Back in 2011 a group of psychologists from the US and the Netherlands published a study. It suggested that the brains of conservatives and liberals behaved quite differently in one significant respect. The more conservative someone’s politics the stronger their disgust response.
A couple of years later a team of computational psychiatrists and political scientists gave 83 volunteers a series of images to look at and scanned their brains using fMRI while they did so.
Shown pictures of rotten meat or people touching seats in public toilets, certain areas of the brains of those whose politics were very conservative lit up to a degree that the brains of those who were very liberal didn’t. The difference in the strength of the response was really striking, far too significant to be a statistical anomaly. Conservative people, it appears, just experience disgust more acutely.
Seen through this lens a lot of conservative politics makes more sense, at least in terms of being consistent and comprehensible. The heightened disgust response is closely linked to the idea of purity which, along with loyalty, was a core value identified by the conservatives the researchers interviewed. Loyalty and purity are the values of the closed group.
Think of the way conservatives typically talk about sex. Rather than sex being a joyous, life-affirming gift, in the hands of right wingers prone to lecturing about such things it often becomes a dark, dank place where germs pass between us. Forget barrier contraception and antibiotics, for many conservatives sex is safe only if sanctified and sanitized by church and marriage. Their message is shaped by their disgust. “Just say no kids, and wash your hands.”
If anything the current pandemic has highlighted just why such thinking resonates so strongly with so many.
Disgust is an evolutionary trait designed to keep us safe. It helps protect us from, for instance, eating food that’s bad for us. It also is there to protect us from disease.
Embedded deeply in our collective memories and thus imprinted on our culture through myth and legend is the notion that disease comes from elsewhere. Arthurian legend may preserve a folk memory of the fall of post Roman Britain. When Arthur dies his kingdom is already ailing from famine. Plague will follow. In the years 535 and 536 global temperatures fell sharply, famine ensued. The date given by mediaeval sources for Arthur’s last battle, Camlann, was 537 or possibly 539. The plague of Justinian erupted in 540, swept in on trade routes from the Eastern Mediterranean and devastated the Romano British population. Arthur’s Saxon enemies traded less with epicentres like Byzantium and appear to have suffered less. The survivors pushed the Britons to the northern and western fringes of the island. Memories linger long.
After the Black Death in the 14th Century some European states required visitors to keep themselves separate for a spell in times of plague. It’s where we get the term quarantine. In 1448 the Venetian senate ruled that sailors bringing silk and spices from Asia would have to stay aboard their vessels for forty days (quaranta giorni in the Venetian dialect) so the citizens of that great mediaeval trading power could be sure they weren’t infectious. Village and townsfolk barricading out strangers, both physically and metaphorically, is a repeating theme through history.
Fear of outsiders was going through a revival even before the pandemic. Back in 2016 a man promised people a wall and got elected on it. That same year, during the Brexit referendum campaign, a survey found that in the UK hostility to immigration was strongest in those areas that had the fewest immigrants. It makes a kind of sense. Living amidst a diverse population one person more or less from elsewhere doesn’t add significantly to the perception of risk. Who knows, with people constantly coming and going, it may be that the population has a greater resistance to infection. However, in a homogenous, white-British community an outsider, particularly one from another part of the world, with who knows what alien ways and unfamiliar morals, is seen as a threat.
My rural Sussex village is not far from Tunbridge Wells, Britain’s capital of disgust. The elderly and overwhelmingly white residents seem very blasé about the pandemic. Just this weekend gone they were scrummed, cheek by jowl, around the vegetable stall in front of the pub on the high street, none of them wearing a mask. I’m just about the only person sporting one. Days earlier I’d called in last week to a community hub to save my father, just turned 88, from the risk of having to pick up his hearing aid batteries. The retirees staffing it insisted I take a seat. I wanted to keep a distance so I told them I’d recently come back from Singapore. They couldn’t get rid of me fast enough. When I went back to collect the batteries I discovered they’d left them on the street. At least there wasn’t a barricade.
There would have been no point explaining that Singapore has taken stringent measures and seems to have substantially slowed the virus’s spread. The UK’s efforts, in contrast, have been lackadaisical and we’re on the cusp of a health disaster.
But here’s the thing; if disgust is an evolutionary advantage that keeps us safe, why do non conservatives experience it less? Well if there’s anything we can be fairly certain about nature, it’s that it likes to hedge its bets. There’s a downside to having a strong disgust response. Back in history making ourselves more insular reduced the opportunities to mix with other people; to learn, to share skills and ideas, to barter, to trade, to meet a mate. Though some people really don’t like the idea, choosing a mate with genes very diverse from one’s own tends to produce healthier offspring, just as picking a sibling or cousin as a mate is taboo because of the risks associated with inbreeding. So, if nature has, to some extent, produced conservatives and liberals it’s in the hope that if one strategy fails another succeeds.
But I’m perplexed. Both Britain and America have conservative governments, and yet both were slow to respond. Even a self-avowed germaphobe like Donald Trump was ill attuned to the threat while his political base, so responsive to the politics of disgust, was readier to believe that it was a Chinese problem or a hoax rather than to stock up and run for the hills. Perhaps some of are simply wired to fear outsiders more than those who look like us, and are more alert to difference than danger. The consequences of those misplaced priorities will surely be felt, and soon.